Then conducting workshops and training that focus on organizing and building organization with trade unionists and community activists, I often pose the question, “Is COSATU stronger today (the period 2000 – 2025) than it was during 1985 – 1995, why?” Invariably after discussion, the consensus is, that despite Cosatu’s membership being much lower during the late 1980’s and operating under repressive Apartheid conditions, the federation was much stronger then. This article will look critically at this historical irony that’s especially relevant for Cosatu’s 40th anniversary celebrations later during this year. In December 2025, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) will celebrate its 40th Anniversary and commemorate the heroic struggles of millions of workers and working-class people, in giving birth to what was once the largest and strongest trade union organisation on the African continent. The first decade of Cosatu’s existence (1985 – 1995) is regarded as its most difficult and a struggle for survival from severe state repression and often brutal opposition by the capitalist bosses. Yet it is in this period that the federation and its affiliates experienced the most membership and organisational growth, as Cosatu unions and members led the struggles in defence of the working class and an end to Apartheid alongside the United Democratic Front (UDF) and other liberation forces.
The decades that followed, in the period of the new democracy has proved even more challenging, with the African National Congress (ANC) government leading the way with its neo-liberal capitalist policies and measures with cuts in social spending, privatisation, lowering taxation of the rich and rapid tariffs reduction. More than a million formal jobs were lost during the first decade of democracy and the “jobs bloodbath” continued. Millions of workers’ jobs have become casualised and insecure, losing their social wages in the process (retirement benefits, medical aid, educational assistance etc.). Worse still, the ANC government imposed several “cost recovery” measures, enforcing a system of payment for basic needs and services like, water, electricity, education and cutting transport and food subsidies.
Today, poverty is widespread and still deepening with many resorting to survivalist measures and even criminal activity. The South African working class has become more impoverished, and the rich have become even richer. Over half the population live below the upper-bound poverty line and the country has one of the highest income inequalities (Gini) indices globally (0.63 as of 2023). Around 25 million people live below the lower poverty line and about 40 to 41 million by the upper- bound poverty line in 2024, highlighting persistent economic disparities making worse apartheid’s legacy, with high black youth unemployment and low wages. Despite the socio-economic attacks and the consequent severe decline in living standards in the last 30 years on the part of most workers and the working class, mass struggle activity on the part of Cosatu and working-class people generally has been much less than during this period.
Cosatu’s Political Orientation and theTripartite Alliance
The ANC government’s unpopular neo-liberal economic policy, the Growth, Employment and Redistribution Strategy (Gear), received only verbal criticism by Cosatu and the South African Communist Party (SACP) who were supposed to have represented working class interests within the alliance. The trade unions, including National Council of Trade Unions (NACTU) and the Federation of Unions of South Africa (FEDUSA), did not put up a consistent fight against the government’s economic policy, except sporadically when instances of privatisation arose. The Cosatu and SACP leadership were not prepared to take the ANC government head on. Instead, despite the ANC’s anti-working-class policies and actions, the Cosatu and SACP leaders regularly consistently called on members and the broader working class to vote for the ANC in every national and local government election.
COSATU leaders choose reformism and co-operating with class enemies
Since the early 1990’s our trade union leadership has pursued an out and out reformist agenda in the sphere of politics and the economy. It has firmly wedded itself to an alliance with the bourgeois ANC party and government. Strategically, the leadership believes that the best way to ensure the promotion of a “working class agenda” is by being a junior partner of the ANC in the Tri-partite Alliance, rather than developing its political independence and struggling against the ANC government, guided by the aspirations of its members and the broader working class. Similarly in the economy, in line with “strategic unionism” and “radical reform” it enters co-determinist relations with monopoly-capital. At the same time, capital’s willingness to enter co- determinist arrangements reflects its acknowledgement of the strength of the labour movement. Originally, this engagement focused on industrial strategy proposals and negotiations and the National Economic Forum (NEF). Today this continues in the form of the National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac) that has overseen the introduction of a very low national minimum wage and setbacks in workers’ rights and labour law amendments such as limiting the right to strike.
The Cosatu 2015 policy document recognised that the ANC government bears much of the responsibility for the decline in living standards of the working class. It noted that the main cause of this has been the ANC government’s stubborn implementation of its
neo-liberal economic policy, the Growth, Employment
and Redistribution Strategy (Gear). Yet the document states, “the Alliance remains the only weapon in the hands of our people to deepen transformation and take our National Democratic Revolution to new heights” and “It would be class suicide if workers were to hand the ANC over to the bourgeoisie on a silver platter”. Yet, the ANC, by as early as 1993, had already committed itself to compromises with the apartheid regime and serving the interest of white monopoly capital as it has done through its neo-liberal “market friendly” economic policies despite the repeated alternative Keynesian redistributive policies proposed by trade unions
and pro-labour think tanks such as the National Labour and Economic Development Institute (NaleDI). We have not seen large-scale redistribution of wealth as promised in the Freedom Charter and fought for by the millions of black working-class people. Instead, wealth and power have remained in the hands of monopoly-capital. A thin layer of the black petty bourgeoisie has managed to elevate themselves through affirmative action and black economic empowerment to the status of a rich bourgeois elite.
This layer has largely enriched themselves through selective Bee handouts by monopoly-capital, ready access to loan capital, purchasing privatised parts of the state or as corrupt parasitic state tenderpreneurs through securing state contracts that continue to this day despite the Zondo Commission findings and the promise of a New Dawn.
It is this narrow segment of the black bourgeoisie that is the ANC’s dominant social base in line with its political trajectory since the late 1980’s. Although the ANC still enjoys support of the black working class this is diminishing rapidly as most working class
people have recognised that ANC policies are aimed at advancing the interests of the black bourgeoisie as the government continues to
mismanage and impoverish the country now experiencing a polycrisis.
The working class today
Ironically, the “democratic breakthrough”, for the working class has meant being bled to death by the capitalist system. Despite the socio-economic setbacks organised workers and other sections of the working class remain willing to fight to defend itself. Unfortunately, not many consistent struggles on the part of Cosatu and other working-class formations have happened over the last
thirty years. Trade unions and other organisations have in fact been weakened, despite the democratic space and opportunities when
compared to the Apartheid era. Privatisation, job losses, low wage increases, and industrial restructuring are all signs that our hard-won gains have been and continue to be reversed in the interests of capital’s relentless pursuit of maximising profits.
Unlike the early period of Cosatu’s history, the federation no longer leads mass struggles against the consistent attacks against workers and the working class.
Its main actions are via high-level tripartite forums such as Nedlac as well as parliament along with the occasional Alliance summits with very little if any involvement by ordinary members, let alone a mass worker directed grassroots campaign.
Much of Cosatu’s resources and energy is regularly poured into electoral campaigns to support workers to vote for the ANC. These have
turned out to be disastrous for the working class and the country especially under the leadership of Jacob Zuma and now Cyril Ramaphosa. Cosatu’s main strength appears to be in its daily press statements but not its over one million members.
Upon celebrating and reflecting on 40 years of Cosatu, this must change for the sake of Cosatu members, the working class and the future of South Africa.
This includes recognising that the major split in the federation with the expulsion of its biggest affiliate at the time, Numsa, in 2013 was a serious political mistake that has weakened the labour movement.
Struggles and engagement with the ruling class must be aimed at getting the ANC-led Government of National Unity to implement programmes which immediately start addressing the needs of workers and the broader working class.
a living wage for all.
•
Job security and job
creation.
•
Decent education, public
transport and healthcare
for all.
Our guiding principles for work in the trade unions must be: Unity of workers and the entire working class in all struggles and the overthrow of capitalism. Independence politically and organisationally from capitalists and the state. Democracy – We must struggle for the fullest workers’ democracy, including workers’ control of the economy and society in the interests of the working class primarily and all of humanity. We must also struggle for the fullest mass democracy of the trade unions, enabling rank and file members to direct their organisations in their own interests and hold their leadership fully accountable. The great revolutionary socialist, Karl Marx, once stated that “in order for workers to submit or compromise it needs no organization at all”. Let us take our cue from Marx and turn our trade unions, particularly COSATU, once again into a fighting organisation in the interests of its members and the entire working class.
Revive the Living – Wage Campaign, Build the United Front against neo-liberalism, inequality and Poverty!
Martin Jansen is a veteran trade unionist, socialist activist and currently the Director of Workers’ World Media Productions.
